The Nacateca Language



The People
The Land







Daily Life



Nacateca is spoken by 66 million atrei (indigenous population) who live in the western half of Bergonia.  Nacateca includes three dialects, which are mutually intelligible.   The degree of difference is about the same as between Italian dialects.  These three dialects were once less intelligible to one another, but they have converged in the last two centuries.

Many linguists have speculated whether Nacateca bears enough similarity with any North American Indian languages to merit theorizing about any common origins.  Some speculate that Nacateca is related to either the Hokan or the Uto-Aztecan families of languages in Mexico & Southwest U.S.  The latter family includes Nahuatl, the primary language of the Aztec's spoken in the Valley of Mexico before Cortez’s conquest.  Nacateca does share with the Uto-Aztecan family three distinct grammatical features:  

(a)  Nacateca, proto-Uto-Aztecan (a theoretical construct) and most present-day Uto-Aztecan languages put the direct object immediately before the verb.  

(b)  Nouns have distinct case forms for subjects and objects, but Nacateca, proto-Uto-Aztecan and most Uto-Aztecan languages express the subject of dependant clauses in the objective case.  

(c)  Proto-Uto-Aztecan nouns used a suffix called the “absolutive” when used by themselves, usually involving either a “t” or “l.”  The suffix is usually dropped when the noun takes on other inflections, such as possessive, objective or accusative affixes, or when the noun is compounded.  Likewise, Nacateca nouns often employ a suffix of “-l-“ to mark an absolutive function.  

While the first two of these features also occur in other languages around the world, the absolutive suffix is rather unique, and has most reliably guided linguists in identifying Uto-Aztecan languages.  But while these grammatical similarities suggest a link, Nacateca shares hardly any vocabulary in common with any of the Uto-Aztecan tongues.

Obviously, in order for a real relationship to exist, then once upon a time in the remote past boats must have plied the waters between Bergonia and North America.  The theory draws support from the small number of theorists-- regarded as oddballs by the rest-- who contend that the Hopi tribe in Arizona descended from prehistoric Nacateca colonists.  Hopi is, after all, a Hokan language.  The "oddballs" try to point to similarities between the Hopi myths and the myths of the Ancita tradition out of which the Shufrantei religions sprang.  The theory has to account for how the people who spoke Hokan and Aztec-Tonoan languages—living in the southwest USA and northern Mexico—made contact with Bergonians.  Of course, numerous Bergonian legends tell how the early Meinai civilization on Bergonia’s west coast had seafaring contact with the Mexican coast.  Most archeologists admit that corn (maize) and squash were apparently not native to Bergonia, but somehow became the staple of all Bergonian lowland peoples in the last 4000 years.  

Phonology-- The Sounds of Words

Nacateca does not tolerate consonant clusters.  All consonants are separated by vowels or diphthongs, much like Japanese.  Never will two consonants occur together, one following the other, unless the second is a semi-consonant, which include L, M, N or R.  Bergonian grammarians have always called these sounds “liquid.  In the same vein, they call vowels “air” sounds, and consonants “solid” or “ground” sounds.

Rather typically, syllables consisted of one of these combination, with “L” standing for a semi-consonant, “liquid” sound:  C + V, or C + L + V, always ending with a vowel.  In this sense, “vowels” include the many diphthongs as well as the five primary vowels.

All consonants are "soft", or voiceless, e.g. P as opposed to B, or F as opposed to V.  Thus, the sounds B, D, G, J, V and Z essentially do not exist in Nacateca. 

Accordingly, a Nacateca speaker will pronounce the name "Bergonia" as "Pereconia."

Nacateca uses five pure vowels: A as in father, E as in bet, I as in bit, O as in boat, and U as in boot. 

Nacateca also uses numerous diphthongs formed by the five.  The resonant melodic diphthongs that typify the lilting sound of Nacateca to foreigners are most often heard in the Pueoi and Incuatati (i.e. the Southern) dialects.  In the Ancita dialect, the core dialect that mothered all the others, many of the diphthongs have contracted in recent centuries into single phonemes.  For example, Fanisithia is the Ancita word for "deep love affair" while the Pueoi word for the same is Faoiniseithia.  Pefinia is the Ancita word for tragedy while Puefeinia means the same in the Pueoi dialect.

To a sympathetic foreign ear, Nacateca sounds very soft and melodious.  Derogatory stereotyping portrays Nacateca speakers hissing like snakes.

Nacateca words form around rather strict rules of pronunciation and phoneme use, chief of which are these:

1.     Syllables usually consist of a consonant followed by either a vowel or diphthong.

2.     Nearly all words begin with consonants and end with vowels or diphthongs.

3.     Longer words, which may include as many as six syllables, usually consist of strings of consonant-vowel/diphthong combinations.

4.     The accent usually falls on the next to the last syllable of a word.  However, no hard and fast rules govern this, unlike Italian, and individual words may have their own personalities.  In fact, in 95% of all words the stress falls on either the first or second syllable.

5.     Within many compound words there lies a "root" word, in which event the accent will always fall on a syllable within the root. 

General Grammar

Nacateca is an inflectional language.     In “inflectional” languages, the function of a word can be determined from its prefixes or suffixes.   A strictly inflectional language, such as Latin, so clearly labels its nouns, verbs and modifiers with prefixes and suffixes that the words can occur in practically any order within a sentence and a speaker of the language will readily understand the sentence.  On the other hand, an “analytical” language like English depends very little on inflections, so that words suffer few prefixes or suffixes.  Instead, analytical languages reveal whether particular words function as subjects, verbs or objects strictly by their relative order in a sentence, or by how they modified by other words.

While Minidun (S+O+V) and English (S+V+O) both use strict word order that allow hardly any deviation, Nacateca allows words to flow in loose order, with inflections marking the parts of speech.  But Nacateca is not so loose as Latin in its word order or as strict in its inflectional requirements.   For example, while Latin requires that adjectives "agree" with the nouns they modify, Nacateca identifies adjectives in the service of a particular noun by placing it immediately in front of the noun—as in English-- without any .  In Latin, the adjective would carry an inflection that not only marks it as an adjective, but also conforms to the "case" and the "gender" of the noun it describes.

Nacateca also has agglutinative features.  Not many of the world’s great languages are agglutinative.  Turkish is one.  Agglutinative languages use prefixes and suffixes, along with much word compounding to construct long words of many elements.   Many of the grammatical inflections are particles that may exist as independent morphemes, which is to say, as independent words.  Other inflections can appear only within a word as part of it.  Still others are “bound,” which is to say they cannot appear except in conjunction with other elements within a big long word.  Nacateca employs so much compounding in its word formation that it frequently appears to be agglutinizing.  But, unlike most of the extremely agglutinative North American Indian languages, a great many of the morphemes used in compounding words can also stand alone as single-morpheme words.

Syntax: Word Order in a Sentence:

Obverse to the high degree of inflection, Nacateca is rather loose and improvisional in the word order within a sentence .  The only consistent rule seems is that the object, including both direct and indirect object, must precede the verb.   In the usual formation the direct object nearly always immediately precedes the verb and sometimes (in slang) drops from the objective case to the shorter subjective case.  The direct and indirect object always precedes the verb in sentences and also in clauses within sentences, both dependent or independent clauses.

The subject usually precedes everything else, so that the most typical sentence in Nacateca looks like this: S + O + V (subject + object + verb: “the cat the mouse chases”).   However, sometimes to achieve emphasis of different sorts, Nacateca sentences may be O + S + V, or O + V + S.  But in any event, the object always precedes the verb.

The major part of a statement comes at the beginning of a sentence, usually followed by modifying and qualifying clauses.

Postpositions are used to signal indirect objects.  (e.g. "I toss the ball to you," is literally "I you-to ball-the toss") Post-positions also signal the dependant clauses; however if the dependant clause comes after the main verb the postposition can be switched around to the front the clause to become a preposition.. 

Word Formation:   Root Words and Affixes

Most morphemes, both free and bound, consist of only a single syllable, which is why early Nacateca writers made a swift transition from ideograms to a syllabilary—a single symbol in one system of writing usually very neatly translated into a single symbol in the other.   Most words that serve as verbs and nouns are multi-syllabic, constructed from the more basic mono-syllabic elements by the processes of compounding and affixation.   

The building of a noun or a verb starts with a root.  While some roots are uniquely nouns, and others verbs, a third very large class of roots can transform by compounding and affixation into either nouns or verbs.   

Nouns, verbs and modifiers include words built by compounding two or more root words. Compounding occurs quite often in Nacateca, and Nacateca writers and masters of elocution are not a bit chary of coining new compounds.  An erudite Nacatecan delights in inventive compounding.   The rash of compounding has occurred rather recently in the history of the language.  

Many words, especially nouns, consist of a "double root," a compound of two roots.  The first root often refers to the substance or quality of the thing (e.g. "wood," "spirit,” “liquid,” "milk"), thus making the word into a nous, and the second refers to the thing’s form (e.g. “long and slender,” “sharp,” “cup”) or quality (“old,” “holy”) or motion (“away,” “north”).  Some such words translate into common English words consisting of a single morpheme:

"wood" + "fragment" = "splinter."

“sand” + “fragment” = “grain of sand.”

“wood” + “long and slender”  = “stick.”

"spirit-creature" + "holy" = "angel." 

“liquid” + “engine” = gasoline.

"milk" + "cup" = a cup of milk.

“talk” + “far” =  telephone.

            In English, compounding occurs with total ease.  If two words are compounded to form a new word, then neither words suffers any alteration in the transformation.   "Base" is still "base" and "ball" is still "ball" in the word "baseball".  Compounding involves a transformation of the original words, with more complication than in English.  Some rule of transformation is necessary since the compounding nouns and verbs carry particular inflections that must be compromised.  The basic rule is that the compound word must be of the same part of speech as the first word in the compound.   This rule regulates the compounding of nouns and verbs together is a process the grammarians call "incorporation". 

Hence, whenever one compounds a noun and a verb with the intent of creating a verb, then the verb comes first, with verb inflections attaching to the noun-element at the end of the sentence. 

Flio = to attack (v.)             Crisa = Iron (n.)

Fliocriso = to attack hard and efficiently (v.)

Likewise, when it is time to use the same two roots to make a noun, the order reverses: so that the noun comes first, with noun inflections attaching to the verb-element at the end of the sentence. 

Crisaflia = a special alloy developed in ancient times for sword blades (n.)

There is a rather ad hoc method of compounding verbs that allows for concise expression of action.  Here are illustrations.  From these four words...

Cle = “throw”             Pao = “strike, punch,”  

Fra = ram, crash into, come into direct contact, impact between one speeding object and one stationary object.  

Tra = “break, shatter”   

...come these compound words.

Cletra = “throw and break, break by throwing up against something.”

Paotra = “break by striking.”

Fratra = “break by bumping into”

Cuei = boy      Pleti = vase

Cuei cletra pleti  =  “The boy threw the vase and broke it.”

Lushi = “hammer”    Mo = reposition meaning “by means of,” or “with the instrumentality of,” more commonly translated as “with” or “by.”

Cuei pleti paotra mo lushi.  = “The boy broke the vase with a hammer.”

Cuei pleti fratra.  = “The boy knocked into the vase and broke it.”  

Pleti racletra "He threw the vase and  broke  it."

            Many other rules govern compounding that the average  Nacatecan uses without conscious awareness.  Most exist simply to polish off the rough edges of the words to expedite the compounding.   For example, when a noun becomes the first and major element of a compound word and when that noun ends in a diphthong, then the diphthong often reduces to a single vowel, producing a rhyming word: 

Shilia ("meal")  and  prose ("celebration")  produce shiliprosi ("feast"). 

In many cases the first word in the compound is shortened, abbreviated, by dropping the syntactic suffix.

Shilia ("meal")  and  tei ("dawn")  produce shitia ("breakfast").  lia is cropped, while the declension suffix -ia is transferred to the end of the new word, changing tei to tia.

Other compounding drops the suffix rules govern the semantic combination of words.  For example, some rules exist to sort out what happens when two verbs are compounded.  The fundamental rule here is that when two verbs are compounded, the first will describe the motion or activity of the subject while the second will describe the action as it affects or transforms the object. 

 See treplaie, which consists of treie ("choose, select") and pla ("elevate").  It means "to elect.”  


Parts of Speech

In addition to connecting words such as “and” and “or,” Nacateca grammar generally recognizes verbs, nouns and modifiers.   All three types can be compounded and inflected, although modifiers usually are not.  All three usually start with a root.  Simple roots acquire specific meaning and become words by taking on inflections and by sometimes compounding with other words.  Roots typically do not stand independently without the affixes that make them function as either nouns, verbs or modifiers.  


Roots as Verbs: 

Just as all root words may become nouns by the addition of the noun affixes, so may they become verbs by use of the various verbal affixes.  The affixes establish tense and mood.  There are no declensions of verbs, so all verbs take the same set of inflections.

The verb root cannot occur alone.  It always takes on affixes, and takes them in a consistent order:   First comes the subjective pronoun prefix.  After the root comes the "modal" suffix that shows whether the verb is used to indicate declarative action, conditional action, and the like.  Then follows the objective pronoun.  Lastly comes the suffix that shows tense.   

When the object of a sentence can be indicated by a pronoun, then the objective pronoun inflection occurs after the verb root, as in rafanafa  "I love you (a woman)".  In a peculiar contrast, when the objective is a noun that requires specification, the object noun in the standard syntax always precedes the verb. 

-fan-  is the root meaning "love".

The addition of certain suffixes “fix” the concept, producing a concept noun that does not take noun suffixes:

fanei   -- Love, in general. 

Some suffixes turn verbs into nouns with specific meaning, which can take on noun suffixes for plurality, etc.

fanlei  -- love affair.

Some suffixes produce very particularized verbs:

rafasha kitele    --  literally “(I+ love+ habitually) (melons)” =  “I love melons."  Here is an idiosyncrasy; because of common usage over the centuries, the construction is contracted: fan + sha = fasha.  (kitele means melons.)

Verb Tenses:

Verbs have numerous, quite specialized tenses, all formed by suffixes.  Nacateca verbs use no auxiliary verbs, though verbs are often very handily used to modify one another.  Thankfully, all verbs tend to accept all the same suffixes, and all verbs tend to follow the same rules.

For purposes of illustration, etlu is the stem “write,” and tsetlu means “he writes.”

The tenses include:

1.     Characteristic, repetitive or “habitive” present tense:  -sha.   "He writes for a living," "He writes in his journal every night,” or "He is a writer."  =  Tsetlusha.

2.     Progressive present tense:  -pue, sometimes -epue"He is writing," "He is writing right now," "Do you see him writing?"   =  Tsetlupue

3.     Present perfect:  -poa  "He has been writing," "He is still writing," Tsetlupoa

4.     Past tense:  -ie ", often replacing the vowel on the end of the verb.  e.g. He wrote on the wall,"  =  Tsetlie.

5.     Past perfect:  -fle.  "He had written his wife daily when he was in prison," Tsetlufle.  Rafanaflefi means "I had loved her like a wife."

6.     Future:  -re.  "He will write," Tsetlure.  Future is used more often in Nacateca than in English, because it is often used to express expectation and desire.  Here are two main occasions:  

a.     “I want to marry you” in English uses the infinitive form of the verb “marry,” while Nacteca uses the future tense form.  Thus sare mean is the future tense form of sa, “to marry or wed.”   The sentence is raco lasare, which more literally translates “I want [that] we will wed.” 

b.      “I am going to run soon” would be rendered, “I will run soon” or “I will start running soon.”

c.     The imperative form uses the future tense.  If in Bergonia a fire breaks out near gas tanks, people yell plaure, “run,” which is the future tense of plau, 

The speaker can sharpen the tenses by adding other suffixes.  

“He starts to write.”  Tsetlucra

“He just started writing”  Tsetlucrie

Immediate Past Tense, usually denoting completion:  “He just finished writing” “He just started writing”  Tsetlulie

“He is about to write.”  Imminent future tense, to describe something just about to happen:   Tsetlurue

He is about to start writing.”  Tsetlushrue

“He is about to finish writing.”  Tsetlucriei

Other suffixes identify “modes,” as well, always after the root and before the tense suffix.  Sometimes the tense suffix will change in form depending on the mode.  For example:

-sha-    Conditional:   “he may have just started writing”   Tsetlushacra.   Sha  conveys the meaning of “may,” and the tense suffix changed from crie to cra.  The conditional mode, meaning that the action of the verb occurs or will occur on if a condition were met.  In English we call this mode the subjunctive.

-sa-    Must, imperative, mandatory, as in inevitable, or necessary, or physically required.  

-sro-    the "obligative" mode, meaning that the subject performs the action out of social duty or obligation, e.g. some functions of “must.”  This mode often is used to express orders by superiors to subordinates.

-sro-    Most definitely will; a means of emphasis, emphasizing the willfulness of the act.

-sro-    Can, able, possible, the "abilitative" connotes that the subject is able to perform the action. We frequently use "can" and “is able” to indicate this mode in English.

A verb used to express regular and unconditional action has no modal suffix.   Grammarians say that this is the declarative mode.

-rio-    The "interrogative" mode, which expresses a  doubt as to  whether  the  action occurred.  This mode is  used  to  express ignorance or suspicion, not so much to ask a question.

-lo-    the negative mode, which simply states that the action did not occur.

-se-   a "reflexive" mode, which shows that the subject also was the object, e.g. ramuose means "I wash myself."

-flie-, a reciprocal mode.   For example, retitheoflie means "we help each other."

More than one mode can occur together within a single word.   For example, retitheosroloflie means "we must not help each other."   Sro means “must” and lo means “not.”

No verb "to be"

Nacateca lacks a general verb "to be".  Nacateca has no verb "to be" to function as an auxiliary to help perform any grammatical functions, as it helps to form the passive voice in English (e.g. "he was transformed") or the progressive mde (“he is going”).   

However, Nacateca has two specific verbs which translate as "to be" in English, each in a limited way.  One of these, clo, refers only to attributes and it cannot exist independently of another morpheme, often an adjective.  In other words, this verb is inalienable.  Examples of usage of are as follows:

Raclomeo means "I am crippled."   Meo means crippled.

Ficlopure means "You (fem.) are beautiful."  Pure means beautiful.

Prakai clopetle means "Prakai is very old."   Petle means old, aged.

The second word is chi, which means “feel” or “experience.”    “I am tired,” is expressed with a sentence that literally means, “I feel tired.”  

Another verb that translators use in rendering the verb to be into Nacateca is sieia, which means “appears” or “looks like.”   Sentences like “the dress is green” use sieia in translation, which means literally, "the dress looks/appears green."

No passive voice exists in Nacateca.  Passive constructions in Indo-European and other languages are often translated into Nacateca by use of active verbs and prepositional phrases:  "He shattered the glass," translates as "Because of/by him the glass shatters."


            Nacateca sorts all nouns into nine different classes or semantic “genders,” which are utterly nonsexual in nature.  It is helpful to note that in English the word “gender” originally did not refer to the sexes, but to grammatical classification of nouns.  It is because gender in Romance languages (e.g. Italian, Spanish) is sexual (at least in their labeling) that “gender” has become associated with sexuality.

Chart 1.  Noun Classes or “Genders”


Semantic significance



Inanimate objects, things in nature & in the sky, inedible things, strange things.

“rock, moon, stick, atom,”


Plants, animals, food, people, things imbued with animal spirit or personality, spirits, Gods.

“cat, proletariat, boy, angel, bacteria, organization,”


Individual people, occupations, roles, classes of men & women.

“assistant, sinner, plumber, bag-man, sycophant, president,”


Kinship terms.

“cousin, sister,”


Things made, used or owned by people, anatomy, derivatives.

“automobile, sword, heart, house, chronometer, garbage, account”


Places, locations, directions, spatial things.

“road, bridge, office, north”


Temporal words, time units, things to do with death, dreams, memories, feelings, mental occurrences, events, names for actions. 

“day, moment,” adolescence, recollection, story, cremation, love, sickness.”

The seven Nacateca genders each carry semantic significance, at least in theory, although the semantic lines are drawn rather oddly.  For example paoshinei means clock.  Although a clock is a manufactured item, which would seem to place it within Gender # 1 or 5 (see Chart 1), paoshinei is of gender #7, which contains words like “day,” “moment,” “age,” and “memory.”   Gender class #4 includes kinship terms, but this class also includes words like “servant” and “valet.”  It also contains a whole class of words pertaining to military rank and political and criminal organization, all of which derived from medieval names for banda warrior ranks and organization, which in turn derived from ancient words for clan offices.  Likewise, chioe, which means “hunger,” is of gender #2, which includes words for food, although virtually every other word expressing an urge, feeling or desire is of Gender #7.  

After the noun stem comes a suffix to mark case.  Each gender has a distinct set of case suffixes.  Nacateca has three cases. 

a)   The absolutive case, for when the noun takes an intransitive verb.  (e.g. “The ambassador arrived today.”) 

b)   The subjective (or nominative) case, to mark the subject of sentences with transitive verbs.  (e.g. “He presented his credentials to the President.”)

c)   The objective (or accusative) case, to mark both direct and indirect objects for use with transitive verbs.  (e.g. “He presented his credentials to the President.”)   The objective case is also used to mark the subject in dependant clauses.

The objective case suffixes are almost identical to the absolutive suffixes, since they were once a single case. 

The case suffixes recognize number.  Historically a separate suffix indicated number, but over the years contraction occurred between the suffixes for case and number, forcing a fusion into one.

Nacateca has a dual number, as well as singular and plural.   To express an indefinite number, English speakers often use the plural, as in “I love melons.”  In Nacateca one would use the singular.    kitele


Chart 2.  Noun suffixes for case and number




































































































Plurality is established by a general suffixation (as shown on the gender chart above), and alternatively by a system of prefixes that establish specific numerical meaning.  The prefixes, uniform for all seven of the noun genders, are:  po- meaning "several" or "some", papo- meaning "all" or "every", smo- meaning "a few" or "a small number," shlo- or shila- meaning "many", keopo- "a large number" or "a lot of", and shre- meaning a natural grouping, such as a flock or herd or grove.   When the prefixes are used, the noun takes the singular suffix.

Most Nacateca nouns also take on prefixes that perform the function of reflexive pronouns.  See the following chart:


Chart 3.  Noun  “Gender”


Noun Class or “Gender”  



“the/ only”

already ref’ed to





Inanimate objects, etc.








Living things,








Individual people, occupations.








Kinship terms.








Things owned, made, dependant.








Places, directions, spatial things.








Temporal words, time units.









Nacateca has a system of very specific pronounal affixes for verbs. 

The pronouns do not stand on their own, but function strictly as prefixes and suffixes of verbs.   If a father asks his children, “who wants to go to the store?” the son doesn’t answer “me,” but “I do,” which is combining the pronoun with a verb.  The literal Nacateca response to such a question is rucoi, which means “I want to,” or literally “I want.”

There is a subjective case of pronouns.  Another form combines the objective and absolutive.  These pronouns are used as objects with transitive verbs, and as subjects for intransitive verbs.

Both the subject and object pronouns affix to the front of the verb, with the subject coming first, and the object coming second, right before the verb stem.  For example,

tle means "speak.”

Prakai ratle means "I speak to Prakai."  (Here is an example of how the object precedes the verb.)

Prakai rutle thusly means "Prakai speaks to me.”  

Tserutle means “He speaks to me”

Ratlsetle means “I speak to him.”

Number—Singular, Dual and Plural:  Pronouns, like nouns, express the dual number as well as the singular and the plural.  The dual number reflects how much the Bergonia speakers regard couples, particularly the married couple.  The same regard manifested in Shufrantei mythology of Arkan & Icotesi, the Holy Couple.  The dual number occurs in the pronouns systems of all other Bergonian languages as well. 

Relationships of Others to the Speaker:  Nacateca includes special pronounal forms for people related to the speaker, for people who are social superiors to the speaker, and who are friends of the speaker.  The classification of friends usually embraces one's fellow clan members, as well as coworkers.  The pronouns that specifically refer to kin, lovers and friends vary considerably among the various dialects.  Here are the pronouns as they occur in the dominant Ancita dialect:

Chart 4.  Pronouns


Singular (1)

Duo (2)

Plural (3+)









ra -  I

ru -  me

ia - we two (couple)

le - us two (couple)

ro -  we

lo -  us



umo – we family

umlo -  us family

thia - we two


lia - us two


era -  we friends

erlu -  us friends


si -  you

sala -  you

sa -  you

sla -  you

sro -  you

slo -  you

to -  you (masc.)

tala -  you (masc.)

tu -  you (masc.)

tol -  you (masc.)

tro -  you (masc.)

tolo -  you (masc.)

fi -  you (fem.)

fa -  you (fem.)

fita -  you (fem.)

fata -  you (fem.)

fro -  you (fem.)

fito -  you (fem.)

tsome -  you

(male kin)

tsole -  you

(male kin)

utse -  you

(male kin)

ule -  you

(male kin)

tsuome -  you

(male kin)

tsuole -  you

(male kin)

fime -  you

(female kin)

fimle -  you

(female kin)

fiate -  you

(female kin)

fiatle -  you

(female kin)

fro -  you

(female kin)

folo -  you

(female kin)

sife -  you (lover)

sifle -  you (lover)

sate -  you (lover)

satle -  you (lover)

srefo -  you (lover)

sreflo -  you (lover)

ute -  you (friend)

utle -  you (friend)

uote -  you (friend)

uotle -  you (friend)

uoro -  you (friend)

uralo -  you (friend)

Misi -  “Milord.”

Misli -  “Milord.”

Mati -  “Milord.”

Matli -  “Milord.”

Mroso -  “Milord.”

Mrosalo -  “Milord.”


ko -  it

klo -  it

ote - two things

klue - two things

ke- they, many things

kle- them, many things

tse -  he

tsle -  him

true - two people

tale - two people

ro- they, many people

ralo- them, many people

fe -  she

fle -  her

tse - he (kin)

tsle -  him (kin)

iato - two kinfolk

iatlu - two kinfolk

iamo- they, many relatives

ialo- them, many relatives

fae - she (kin)

file -  her (kin)

safa - my lover

safla - my lover

sie - couple

sle - couple

ume -  my male friend

umla -  my male friend

uta -  friends

utla - friends

uso -  friends

ulo - friends

ufa -  my female friend

ufla -  my female friend

Niste -  male lord

Nistele -  male lord

Nite -  two lords

Nile -  two lords

Nio -  two lords

Nolo -  two lords

Nafa - female lord

Nafla - female lord


Possessive nouns are formed by prefixing an objective pronoun to a noun.   By this use of the objective pronouns, there is no need for a separate class of possessive pronouns.

Mitoi means "house" so rumitoi means "my house."

Mi means "mother," so umlimi means "our mother.   The literal pronoun off the chart above is umlo, but is transformed to  rhyme with the vowel  at the end of the modified noun.


Verbs and nouns may modify nouns and verbs.  In nearly all cases the modifier precedes the modified word.  A verb can serve as a modifier when the suffix -sa is added to the verb root.   A noun serving as a modifier shall take on a suffix according to its case.  See chart above.

There are a handful of words that operate as solely as modifiers, with no particular inflection to mark them.  Their function is marked by their position in front of the word modified.  This is one of the few analytical features of the language.


[Rev. June 05]